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About the Author

Wouter Dijkstra
ICT4Development researcher (Amsterdam, Netherlands)

Personal: Wouter Dijkstra is a Social Scientist, interested in the use of new and old media to strengthen public debate and mechanisms of accountability in Africa. With degrees in both Anthropology and New Media and an extensive background in Africa he is based firmly in contemporary theory but even more in practical reality. In 2009 he went to Uganda together with the ICT4Uganda research group, guided by Dr Geert Lovink. He finished research on the power of talk-radio and the emergence of mobile telephony in Uganda. Based on this research he coined the term ICT4Accountability. This is still an ongoing research. At this moment he is working for TRAC to set up platforms for public debate in east-Africa, through the use of mobile telephony and FM radio. This organization is currently in a startup phase.

Post

The careful deconstruction of the Ivory Towers, Part 2

Published 08th June 2010 - 3 comments - 1391 views -

In my last post I agued that: in order to prevent conflict within the elite circle, access to political and economic power is denied to non-elites. In order to secure peace, elites deny citizens access to political and economic power. A loss of their monopoly position will affect the stability of the country and could possibly lead to armed conflict.

In limited access societies, agreements are based on personal ties instead of impersonal rules. In most African states, which are limited access societies, business and politics are not organized according to impartial institutions and amendments written in the constitution, but ultimately rely on personal ties of its elites. This system promotes patronage and corruption and consequently, limits free and prosperous markets and democratic politics.

Careful transformation into a society where political and economic power is accessible to anyone is the single most effective way to stimulate economic progress and a healthy market economy. In Africa, there are several powerful elites who are well aware of the mechanisms that would stimulate democracy and free market reform. The question now is: Why do African elites hang on to a limited access model when there is enough proof that suggests that an open access society enjoys more sustained economic growth? To answer this question we can look at 17th century Europe and see that African elites lack the incentives to properly install institutions that would lead to transformation into an open access society.

In Europe around the 17th and 18th century, the failure to put strong institutions in place would result  in loss of territory  or wealth. European leaders failing to efficiently manage their administration would surely be conquered by either outside forces or overthrown from within. Years and years of fierce competition among European elites resulted in strong and organized states in which a well organized administration was vital to the states existence. Theorist Michel Foucault sees this development as a direct link that eventually led to enlightenment in Europe around the 17th century. He describes this strong administration as a consequence of the growth of the population in Europe. Foucault tells us that institutions which made Europe flourish in the 17th and 18th century – like schools, workshops, the army, - can only be understood on the basis of the development of great administrative monarchies. In short we could say that because of the extremely competitive environment and the growth of the population in Europe around the 17th century, there was an urgent need for leaders to organize their administration. As a consequence, stronger states emerged that built the foundation for an open access society.

If we take this argument and apply it to Africa Today, we see that through foreign assistance, African governments are able to maintain power despite their mismanagement of essential institutions. International treaties, development aid and easy money through dubious foreign investments (think of China) assist them in their ability to keep access limited to the majority of the population. Bilateral conflicts and wars are prevented by international watchdogs and coups are getting less common because of the tight grip the current elites have on the state (strengthened by foreign money).

Although institutional forms may be present most african countries, their practical use and implementation is often dreadful. In higher echelons of power (think of central government) institutions may work relatively well, however, it is this central government that fails to see to it that institutions are effectively implemented in the lower levels of political administration (local governments). When it comes to obvious cases of corruption, the top elites will take no risk of getting caught with their pants down. However, their reluctance to monitor the rest of their administration ensures that access to economic and political power remains limited.

As the real interest of the elite lie in foreign investment and the larger amounts of direct aid, they care little for corruption in the lower levels of society. The only interest the high levels of power have in the people of the country is a sufficient amount of votes to win (or credibly rig) the elections. For their remaining needs they turn to the richer foreign countries, be it in the form of Western direct development aid or disputable Chinese investments. At top level, politicians know how to handle themselves and to divert liability of mismanagement away from their position. The dreadfulness of government administration starts to show when looking deeper inside.

In my next posts I will describe my experiences during an expedition through the remote Ugandan district of Namutumba with a Ugandan researcher to find out how local governments function in real life..


Category: Politics | Tags: politics, africa, africa, democracy,


Comments

  • Ian Sullivan on 09th June 2010:

    I think this post would have been more credible if it used tangable examples to back up large claims. Africa is a continent, not a country, and is very diverse….


  • wouter on 10th June 2010:

    I understand your comment. It’s hard to go into such complex matters in one blog post. As I said, I will go into practical first hand experience in my next posts and hope to show you that these claims (based on theories by influential thinkers) at least hold in some parts of rural Uganda. Thanks for your comment.


  • Salim Kinyiri on 10th July 2010:

    Well, I am sure your work comes at a time when you still have fresh memories of an encounter with how Leadership in Africa is so pivotal in terms of orchestrating change.
    I want to differ with you on the assertion that “in order to prevent conflict within the elite circle, access to political and economic power is denied to non-elites” In my home district (Iganga) for instance, political and economic power belonged to the non-elites back in the day. With an African Chiefdom political arrangement in my home district around the 17th Century, western elitism was no where to be in Africa, neither in my home area because colonialism had not surfaced then. Nonetheless conflict was eminent and it possibly explains the chiefdom wars of annexation and other related causes.

    Today the world is driven by business, political power is inclined to the best in business; its the monied business people that bankroll political activities that bring even the mightiest political parties in the world to day to power through what they have dubbed fund-raising. The influence of religion and other factors including elitism are secondary to the financial power. Where as modern politics has made it possible for individuals to be denied power through governance approaches like democracy, it is very difficult to deny economic power to any body especially where in your proceeding arguments you post that a free market reforms is the way to go.

    Yes institutional forms are present in most African countries and their practical use and implementation is often dreadful. in Uganda for instance, we had several of such policies that came with foreign aid strings attached. they were policies that had not been suggested by the natives but rather imposed on them and expected to e implimented by the same people that never understood them or who were still backward to impliment the policies.

    the argument Ugandans have put to their leadership is that let us have home grown policies and commit our own mistakes as a result of the decisions we make than labeling blames on to the teams that imposed the policies on us.

    Lack of a deliberate approach towards monitoring policies at implementation level has also failed several policies that would be exception in terms of leading to social economic transformations. this has been the weakest link in most of the institutional policies that Africa would be very much proud of.

    That is why in higher echelons of power institutions work relatively well, however, they fail to see to it that policies are effectively implemented in the lower levels of administration. The reluctance to monitor the implementation especially by even the small vigilant public is what is making corruption be the continent’s next identity to crafty leadership!


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